war crimes

COUNTERSPIN: New book on Freeland’s grandfather reveals his Nazi past and role supporting the Holocaust

By Newell Durnbrooke 

In March 2017 a Globe and Mail journalist shook up the humdrum of the Ottawa political scene by asking Chrystia Freeland about her grandfather Mykhailo Chomiak.

Chomiak had come to Canada with his family after the Second World War and had been portrayed as a typical hard-working immigrant. But his past hide something a little more sinister. He had been an editor and propagandist for the Nazis. Chomiak was in charge of

Krakivski Visti , an anti-Semitic newspaper that promoted the Waffen SS and denounced Jews.

Freeland responded to the Globe reporter that claims about her grandfather were part of a disinformation plot by the Russians. An official in Freeland’s office went even farther, telling the Globe the claim Chomiak was a Nazi collaborator was a fabrication.

Freeland’s supporters in the Canadian news media rushed to defend Chomiak.

Paul Wells claimed that during the Second World War all people in Europe led a double-life, co-operating with the Nazis during the day and resisting them a night. (Someone should have informed Wells about the tens of thousands of brave partisans living in forests throughout Europe who fought the Nazis day and night).

Terry Glavin took a different angle, suggesting Freeland knew her grandfather was a collaborator but added that Chomiak’s involvement with the Nazis wasn’t any big deal. Glavin claimed that even discussing the Chomiak issue was to support the Russians.

This type of distortion continued even into 2019 when Greg Reaume, managing editor of CBC News coverage, claimed that “while historical records show Freeland's grandfather did indeed work for a wartime newspaper sympathetic to the Nazis, we do not know what his exact role was.”

It’s too bad Reaume, Wells and Glavin didn’t bother checking in with the Holocaust museums in Los Angeles and Washington. If they had then they would have discovered the true role of Chomiak’s newspaper. It was virulently anti-Semitic and a major force behind drumming up support for the Ukrainian Waffen SS division as well as Adolf Hitler.

Glavin went so far as to claim that Chomiak “had no control over the Nazi mumbo jumbo he was obliged to print as the newspaper’s titular editor.” (Historical records from Chomiak himself show this to be false. The editor was a hands-on and exuberant participant).

Now award-winning author Peter McFarlane in a new book blows the lid off the attempts to whitewash Chomiak’s Nazi past. The book is called “Family Ties: How a Ukrainian Nazi and a living witness link Canada to Ukraine today.”

It is a devastating portrayal of Mykhailo Chomiak. McFarlane points out that Chomiak was not only the editor of an influential Ukrainian newspaper celebrating Hitler and promoting a virulent form of antisemitism but he also spent the war working for German military intelligence.

For his research McFarlane travelled throughout Ukraine and Poland. He visited the apartment Chomiak and his family lived in during the war, an abode that had been seized by the Nazis from a Jewish family who was later gassed. Chomiak even went as far as wanting to bill the Nazis for having to clean the apartment because it had once been occupied by dirty Jews.

McFarlane juxtaposes the lives of Chomiak and author Ann Charney, both from the same region in eastern Europe and both who had come to Canada after the war.

While Chomiak chummed around with Emil Gassner, in charge of the Nazi’s press department under Joseph Goebbels, Charney and her mother were being hunted by the Nazis and their Ukrainian supporters.

Charney was two years old when she and her Jewish mother evaded their certain death by hiding out in a hayloft in the Ukrainian countryside.

Visiting Charney’s home town of Brody, McFarlane finds that the local history museum celebrates Ukrainian Nazi soldiers and collaborators while saying nothing about their Holocaust role. That involved executing the town’s 10,000 Jewish residents including all of Ann’s family and relatives. 

When McFarlane visits Chomiak’s relatives in Ukraine, he finds the themes of ethnic hatred and antisemitism strongly in play today in public support for the war with Russia.

McFarlane also obtained Chomiak’s Nazi identification card as well as photos showing the editor with Third Reich figures as well as others with Waffen SS banners. In fact, Chomiak was so valuable as a propagandist for the Third Reich that, as the Soviets fought their way towards Germany, the Nazis moved the editor and his family to Austria so he could continue writing his material.

Chomiak eventually settled in Alberta, where he continued to work for extreme right wing causes, McFarlane writes. In postwar correspondence, Chomiak noted his anti-Semitic views, praising a friend for his “bravery” in publishing about the “true nature” of Jews as a group who controls the press, exploits nations and dreams of global domination.

There is no question McFarlane’s book will be controversial. This isn’t a book that will be welcomed in the world of Ukrainian nationalists or that Canadian apologists.

McFarlane can expect to be attacked personally with the usual drivel that he is a Russian sympathizer or that his book is promoting Russian disinformation.

Some in the Ukrainian community in Canada will likely put pressure on his publisher Lorimer. Hopefully that company stands behind its author and does not cave in to baseless attacks.

In the end, McFarlane has created a highly readable and important book that exposes the Nazi collaborators that came to this country and the network of support that allowed them to thrive.

Attempts To Coverup Names of Alleged Nazi War Criminals Will Only Backfire

By Newell Durnbrooke

Canada’s Nazi war criminal problem is once again coming back to haunt and embarrass the Liberal government, as well as Canadians.

Now there are allegations that the federal government and Library and Archives Canada are trying to coverup details about a list of alleged Nazi war criminals who came to this country.

Just a little more than a year ago- in late September 2023 - all MPs in the House of Commons were on their feet cheering war veteran Yaroslav Hunka. Hunka was praised as a “hero” and he was thanked by the speaker of the House of Commons for his military service.

One problem – Hunka served in a Ukrainian Waffen SS division fighting for the Nazis. And just a quick history lesson for all those MPs who appear to be clueless – Canada fought against the Nazis.

What became known as the Hunka scandal turned into an international embarrassment for Canada as Holocaust historians, Jewish groups and the Polish government pointed out Hunka’s unit had been involved in war crimes, including massacres of women and children. (As reported by the Ottawa Citizen, there is no evidence Hunka, now 99, was directly involved in those incidents).

Now we have another scandal brewing at the Library and Archives Canada, or LAC, over a list of alleged Nazi war criminals who came to this country. Media outlets outlined how that list of some 900 names was compiled in 1986. The document was put together by the federal government war-crimes commission led by Justice Jules Deschenes.

Many of the alleged war criminals are believed to be originally from Ukraine and other eastern European nations.

The records have been requested under the Access to Information law and LAC still has to decide whether to release the documents to the public.

In June and July 2024, LAC staff embarked on what is being described as a very dubious process. They consulted with a “discrete group of individuals or organizations” about whether the list should ever be made public. Details about who specifically were consulted are secret but it’s clear from media reports that many of those who provided advice were from the Ukrainian community and possibly the eastern European diaspora. In other words, the communities whose members are likely on the list of alleged war criminals in Canada.

Holocaust survivors and Holocaust academics who advocate for a full release of the list were excluded from the proceedings.

This was a colossal failure on the part of LAC staff and those exclusions have now fueled concerns in some quarters that a coverup in under way…or at least that significant efforts are being made by LAC and the Liberal government to keep this list secret.

It was also not surprising many of the “discrete group” of advisors told LAC staff the list of names of alleged Nazi war criminals should not be released.

They claimed that such action could result in criminal prosecution of the alleged crimes. They also worried that the list could prove to be embarrassing to the Canadian government and the Ukrainian community in general. In addition, they raised concerns the list might be used by Russian president Vladimir Putin for propaganda purposes. (On that last point, if these alleged criminals had been dealt with decades ago there would be no propaganda value for Putin and his ilk).

What was behind LAC’s secret discussions with a select group?

Historian John-Paul Himka, professor emeritus at the University of Alberta who has extensively researched the Holocaust in Ukraine and is an expert on the Ukrainian SS Galicia Division, was among those not invited to participate in the consultation, the Globe and Mail reported.

“After World War II, many Ukrainians who had one way or another collaborated in the crimes of the German occupation retreated westward, fearing repression by the returning Soviet regime,” he told the Globe when asked about the secret LAC meetings. “Many later migrated to Canada, where they and their descendants have dominated the organized Ukrainian diaspora community. They have done everything in their power to distort and suppress the historical record. It is hardly surprising that they wish to keep the investigation into a dark history under wraps.”

Professor Jared McBride, a U.S.-based specialist on Ukrainian Nazi collaborators, outlined in the Ottawa Citizen newspaper how this secrecy is simply going to backfire on LAC and the Canadian government. He pointed out that his researchers using now declassified American government records and other material have already compiled a list of 275 war criminals likely contained in the Canadian records. More names are expected to be added through additional research in the fall.

“Whether LAC likes it or not, these names are going to be released to the public,” said McBride.

McBride also questioned the Canadian government’s continued secrecy. Like Himka, he too outlined how LAC consulted with the very people who want these records to remain secret.

The Ukrainian Canadian Congress says it plans to go to court to stop the federal government from making public the names of alleged Nazi war criminals.

The UCC may ultimately be successful in keeping the list secret through their legal action.

But again, that will only backfire as Canadians will always wonder what was being kept hidden from them.

Were Ukrainians who settled in Canada after the war among those who led Jews to the Nazi killing pits? Did that nice Latvian gentleman down the road serve as a guard at a concentration camp? Did the elderly Estonian man who ran the corner store in Toronto help the Nazis round up and torture Jews to death?

The move by the UCC to prevent the list from being made public will also provide Putin’s criminal regime a major propaganda win. The Russian president will be able to claim that Canada is so scared about who might be on the list that they decided to keep the records secret.

There are already false claims circulating from some in the Canadian-Eastern European community that the Deschenes Commission exonerated the 900 individuals after carefully examining all their files. That’s not true.

In the comment section of the Ottawa Citizen, Royal Military College professor Lubyomyr Luciuk, a strong defender of the Ukrainian Waffen SS and some Ukrainians who collaborated with the Nazis, stated the Deschenes Commission report only included the “names of the ‘subjects (not suspects).”

But why would Luciuk claim that?

This ongoing battle is about making public the Deschenes Commission section called “Master List of alleged war criminals resident in Canada with a list of sources.” 

It is actually titled “alleged war criminals.” Not subjects or suspects.

Luciuk also claimed each of the cases “were closed after each case was examined carefully.”

But the commission never conducted separate detailed investigations into the hundreds of individuals alleged to be war criminals, as news media outlets accurately pointed out. Inquiry researchers also determined that because of inadequate government screening after the war “it would be rash to assume that significant numbers of war criminals and Nazi collaborators did not enter Canada.”

(That last sentence is a direct quote from the commission report).

If there are or were Nazi war criminals hiding in our country, then Canadians have a right to know.

We lost 45,000 soldiers fighting the Nazi scourge during the Second World War. So why protect those who fought against our country and enabled the Holocaust?

(Opinion/analysis)